Martin Wolf: new and improved ants and grasshoppers (contains locusts)

two reader questions

Martin Wolf has written a second version, an “elucidation,” of his ants and grasshoppers fable in the Financial Times. It comes in response to readers queries, and tries to answer two questions:

–why, if the process is as simple as ants and grasshoppers, both of whom are disadvantaged at the end of the day, doesn’t someone realized what’s going on and stop?  Why is it only when the ants are left with dubious debts and the grasshoppers are up to their ears in half-built tract houses and unsalable McMansions that the light bulb goes on?

–what should the ants do with their trade surpluses, if not lend to grasshopper nations, effectively providing vendor financing for their purchases?

answer #1:  locusts

In Mr. Wolf’s new and improved fable, there are a third group of insects, which he calls “locusts,” the term Central European officials use to describe hedge funds.  Locusts are “financial capitalists,” fashioners of and dealers in financial products that help the flow of money along between ants and grasshoppers.  But, either by accident or by design, these products don’t reveal the true nature of what’s going on.  They obscure it,  preventing both ants and grasshoppers from realizing the situation they’re in until the damage is so overwhelming it can’t be ignored.

To my mind, there’s certainly a lot of truth in what Mr. Wolf says.   Investment bankers are the intellectual heirs to the American empresario P. T. Barnum.  In one of his more famous gambits, Barnum, unable to admit more customers because in his mind people were lingering too long in his carnival tent, put up a sign reading “This way to the Egress.”  Thinking this was a new attraction, customers followed it and found themselves out on the street.

How different from that are the claims, “It’s as safe as cash, but with twice the yield.”, “It has all the return of stocks but none of the risk.” ,”Yes, they’re all sub-prime, but if you arrange them in a certain way they’re really AAA.” ?  Not much.

While highly unethical behavior by investment bankers may be a large part of the story, it isn’t everything.  Specifically:

1.  Western commerce operates under a semi-religious belief in the “invisible hand” of the market, articulated by Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations.   The idea is that the optimum economic result is achieved when individuals all act in their own (narrow) economic self-interest–without coordinating with each other, and without knowledge of or thought about what the optimum result might be.

This idea has been repackaged by academic finance as the efficient markets hypothesis.   Whatever the merits of the hypothesis (none that I can think of), it’s what every MBA student in the most prestigious business schools in the world is taught.

These beliefs provide some justification–maybe create a disposition–for both creators and buyers of shady financial instruments not to worry about the consequences of their actions.

2.   It’s not just locusts.  There’s another side to the coin.  In the cold harsh light of day, the sales pitches I mentioned above sound absurd.  The last one–that if you arrange the deck chairs in a certain way, you’re no longer on the Titanic–is perhaps the most unbelievable.  Yet lots of people did.

Investment bankers may have sold toxic products, but clients bought them, often apparently without doing even elementary due diligence–and even though on some level they must have known that the claims were too good to be true.  One early case of sub-prime trouble involved a Nordic municipality which had invested a large part of its treasury in a product created by Citigroup.  the offer documents were in English.  A local sales agent, a regional investment bank, prepared a summary in the local language, in which it “forgot” to mention any of the risks.  The town reportedly risked its fiscal future on an exotic foreign derivative without even reading the offer documents.  Must have been a great dinner the sales guy invited the town fathers to.

answer #2:  lend to younger ants

I agree.   The trick, though, is being able to do so.  It’s harder than it seems.

For one thing, as Mr. Martin correctly points out, history is littered with cases of loans to developing nations that have gone bad.  Some of that history isn’t particularly relevant, however, because lenders often engaged in abusive practices that predisposed borrowers not to repay.

Western “foreign aid” loans often had provisions requiring the recipients to purchase from companies domiciled in the lending country.  These firms charged prices hugely above the going rate, knowing that the buyer had no choice.

The Seventies and early Eighties were the era of Walter Wriston, the now-forgotten head of Citibank, whose mantra was that sovereign credits never default, and who urged commercial banks to increase their lending to developing countries.   At that time, banks made their biggest money from loan syndication fees, not from interest income.  Often, loans for projects that would generate foreign currency for the developing country were deliberately designed so that repayment was required shortly in advance of project completion.  In other words, all parties knew from the outset that the loan would need to be refinanced–generating a second round of syndication fees for the bankers.  Yes, an abusive practice–but developing countries again felt they had no other option.

There’s a second issue with investing in developing nations, having to do with equity rather than debt.  Several decades ago, the IMF tried to encourage developing nations to allow foreigners to take equity states in local companies, rather than just lend to them.  The idea what that in times of economic weakness, these firms would not have to contend with the potentially crushing burden of continuing interest payments.  The IMF arm-twisted Korea and Taiwan into creating closed-end equity funds that were closed to foreigners.  Otherwise, it got no takers.  Why not?  No one wanted to sell their country’s crown jewels to foreigners at a price that would seem absurdly low five or ten years hence–the same reasons foreigners are eager buyers of emerging market assets.

Waddell & Reed and the crash of 2:45

the Ivy Asset Strategy Fund

Government investigators have  been tracking the sell orders that were executed in Chicago on the afternoon of May 6 betweeen 2:30pm and 3:00pm, the period when the S&P 500 plummeted by 5%–and just as quickly rebounded.

According the Financial Times, they’ve discovered that a mid-Western investment firm, Waddell & Reed (ticker:  WDR), was a significant seller of stock index futures during that period.  At one point, 2:32pm, WDR constituted 9% of the total volume of one specific stock index futures contract, the “e-mini”.   WDR has issued a press release (not so easy to find on its website, but it’s there) confirming  the press stories and stressing it was just doing normal hedging transactions for its $22 billion flexible fund.

The prospectus of the fund in question, the Ivy Asset Strategy Fund, says it can invest in stocks, bonds, precious metals and currencies around the world.  It can also use derivatives to hedge its exposures.  In other words, the customer gives WDR enormous freedom in how to invest his funds.

Neither the WRD press release nor the fund prospectus spells out what the fund might have been doing on the afternoon of May 6th.  The only clues we have are that the WRD selling seems to have been triggered by the declining market (rather than vice versa) and that the selling continued even as the market was rebounding.

This suggests, to me anyway, that the selling was done in accordance with mechanical rules that were set in advance, and were to be carried out without any human intervention.  The idea would be to remove human subjectivity–feelings of greed or fear–that might lead to impulsive (and thereby usually money-losing) on-the-spot action.

dynamic hedging

the investment manager

The simplest explanation of the activity is that the managers were using a plain-vanilla technique for hedging portfolio value where the short derivatives position shrinks as the S&P rises and increases as the S&P falls (it was called portfolio insurance when it became popular about a quarter-century ago).

There’s nothing “wrong” with this technique or exotic about it–in fact, it’s ubiquitous in the hedging world–other than that it was invented by academics.  An underlying assumption is that there’ll always be someone (you can call him the “dumb money,” if you want, because that’s the idea) who will willy-nilly take the other side of the trade.  And, I suspect, when the WDR computer/trading room entered its sell orders, along with about 250 other firms who were using similar techniques and wanted to do the same thing, there weren’t enough buyers to go around.

Two points:

1.  The investment manager sees the market declining and sells S&P index futures to hedge his position.  The counterparty, who is likely the broker he is dealing with, takes the offsetting long position.  If it’s the broker, he will try to balance ( or “flatten”) his books by selling stock short in the physical market, thereby creating further downward pressure on the S&P.  In addition, if he already has a long futures position and is employing the same hedging technique for his own books as the investment manager is, he wants to sell more physical stock short to restore the level of hedging he wants against any long futures position he already had.

This means the market declines further, the investment manager wants to hedge more …  The investment manager hedging activity has a snowball effect.

2.  This kind of hedging has been around for about 25 years.  If it still works–it’s possible it doesn’t and that practitioners lost their shirts on the 6th  (warning:  my practical derivatives experience is limited to currencies and emerging markets stocks), it seems to me to depend on the assumption that the counterparty never catches on.  He never alters his behavior  He never reads the books his customer studied from.  He never tries to hire away one of his traders to learn his secrets.  He just continues to be the “dumb money” who racks up losses from this trading.

Not likely, though.  It’s possible that the counterparty makes so much money from his customers’ other, losing, trades that he writes this off as a cost of doing business.  More probable, I think the counterparties model their customers’ actions very closely–after all, everyone is doing basically the same dynamic hedging trading–and can predict with a high degree of accuracy when they will act and what they’ll do.

The counterparty has three responses that I can see.  He can charge more for trades done at times he identifies as risky.   He can begin his own hedging activity in anticipation of his customers’ acting (in effect triggering their trades).  Or he can drag his feet in executing them so that he ends up not doing them at all, or not doing as many as he would otherwise do.

the counterparties

I think there should be a debate about what obligations, if any, an exchange, or a broker who is a member of an exchange, have in a situation like this.  This is particularly so, since we are enacting legislation to force most derivatives trading out of the shadowy over-the-counter world and onto exchanges.

We do know that the NYSE partially withdrew from making markets during the decline on May 6th.  Members did so by unhooking their computers as the market was falling and starting to process trades manually.  They certainly avoided losses by doing so.   Given how they are connected to the stock index futures markets, this short-circuited the derivatives world, as well.  Should they be allowed to?

The NYSE is a particularly interesting case.  On the one hand, you could argue that they are a quasi-utility that can’t be allowed to in effect turn out the lights in tough times.  Given that it has a history that I would characterize as one of high fees and shoddy service, it wouldn’t be surprising to learn it has few friends among professional investors.

On the other hand, the NYSE is by no means a monopoly.  Professionals have been bypassing it for years, through electronic crossing networks, for instance, that offer lower costs and greater confidentiality.  The issue with ECNs is that they aren’t that liquid.

the debate should be interesting to watch

How do you reconcile the interests of a derivatives community operating with tools that presuppose infinite liquidity at all times, with a creaky physical stock trading system where the taps can be turned off at a moment’s notice?   We’ll see.

By the way, I don’t think the Ivy Asset Strategy Fund did anything wrong.  Its only sin is that its performance, along with WDR’s marketing, have grown it to such a large size that its actions are more visible than its peers’.


Arbitrage Pricing Theory (APT)

In 1976 Stephen Ross published an extremely influential article, titled “The Arbitrage Theory of Capital Asset Pricing,” in the Journal of Economic Theory. His “theory,” which is really more of an hypothesis or suggestion, is offered as an alternative to an earlier academic theory, the Capital Asset Pricing Model.

Investors in Ross’s world are the usual academic stick figures, who all have the same information and expectations.  And he appears as eager as his predecessors to use the tools of statistical regression analysis and computer power to make very precise and complex calculations.

Ross’s innovation

What’s new in Ross’s approach is his starting point, which is investor expectations, rather than price outcomes in the movement of actual securities.   Continue reading

Dividend Discount Model

The dividend discount model (DDM), a variation on the idea of present value, is one of the older methods for evaluating a stock.  It is sometimes called the Gordon model, after Myron Gordon, an academic who wrote about it in 1959.

The two main ideas behind the DDM are:

1.  a stock is a funny kind of bond and so can be valued more or less the same way one would a bond (an idea that hearkens back to the day when the stock market was the exclusive province of coupon-clipping descendants of industrial tycoons); and

2. by far the most important thing to an investor is the dividends he receives, so they, not the company’s profits, should be what is evaluated. Continue reading

Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM)

The Capital Asset Pricing Model is the keystone of the academic Modern Portfolio Theory developed in the Fifties and Sixties.  Its leading lights, Harry Markowitz, William Sharpe and Merton MIller, received the Nobel Prize in Economics for their role in developing this theory.

Taking a very simple view, the main difference between the CAPM and what I described in my Alpha and Beta post is the explicit introduction of a “risk-free” asset, normally thought of as being treasury bills.

Here’s the Alpha and Beta equation:

stock return = α + β(index return) + ε,

where α is a constant, β is the multiplier that links stock return and market return, and ε is a random error term.  (Although the theory doesn’t require it, the “index” has typically been interpreted as a stock market index, like the S&P 500.)

If we argue that the stock return has two components, the risk-free return (rf)  + the return for taking risk, then the equation can be rewritten as:

stock return = rf + α + β(index return – rf) + ε,

where β (a slightly different β from the first equation, but the same general idea) is a measure of the volatility of a stock vs the market, and α (a different α, sometimes called Jensen’s alpha) is any return that remains, positive or negative. Continue reading

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