ATVI’s June 2010 results: online strong, shrink-wrapped software weak

the report

ATVI reported June quarter earnings after the close of trading in New York last Thursday.  Earnings per share on a GAAP basis were $.17 vs. $.15 in the second quarter of 2009.  On a non-GAAP basis, they were $.06 vs. $.08 in the second quarter of 2009.

The company forecast third quarter results that were slightly below sell-side analysts’ estimates, and it reaffirmed–but did not raise–full-year guidance.

Wall Street didn’t like any of this.  The stock fell 6.5%, to $10.99, in Friday trading.

Why not?

GAAP vs. non-GAAP

ATVI reports revenues and earnings two ways.  One is the way that Generally Accepted Accounting Principles require.  The second is a non-GAAP method that the company feels gives pertinent information that GAAP doesn’t.  Lots of companies do this.  In ATVI’s case, the issue is how to report the purchase of game software that has online content.  GAAP requires the company to estimate how long the customer will use that software and to spread the revenue, and associated costs, over the estimated period of time.  ATVI’s non-GAAP reporting shows the revenue and costs recognized all at once.

2Q2010 earnings are much higher on a GAAP basis than non-GAAP because last year was a big one for online content.  The positive glow is still being reflected in GAAP results this year.  Non-GAAP shows only the cash coming in today.

The level of earnings isn’t really what the market reacted to on Friday, though.  The composition of earnings was the issue.

Blizzard is doing fine…

Worlds of Warcraft continues to plug along, with about 11.5 million subscribers who paid $299 million to ATVI to play the game during the second quarter.  That’s up 3% from the $290 million they kicked in during the comparable period of 2009.

More important, ATVI made operating income of $155 million from WoW this quarter, up 16% from the $134 million it earned in June of last year.

Starcraft II is finally out

Starcraft is the second of Blizzard’s signature titles.  The long- awaited sequel to the original Starcraft title (1998) came out late last month.  The only information ATVI has released so far on revenues is that the game has sold 1.5 million copies in its first two days.  This would be the biggest launch in pc game history.

Just as encouraging, Blizzard says that while Starcraft online play is steadily building gamers are playing Warcraft online just as heavily as they were before the Starcraft launch.

The hope is, of course, that Blizzard can turn Starcraft, which has fanatic followers all over the world, into something akin to another Warcraft, generating large amounts of recurring revenue.

…not so for Activision

The Activision side of ATVI generated revenues of $333 million during the quarter, down 26% year on year.  It made an operating loss of $53 million during the three months vs. operating income of $21 million in the June quarter of 2009.

Yes, the overall market for traditional video games is weaker and this is the offseason (Activision makes most of its money around the year-end holidays).  But the company also had a couple of clunkers among its second quarter launches.

To some degree, these negatives were offset by continuing strong performance from Call of Duty:  Modern Warfare 2. Online sales of add-on map packs are very strong.  And the game remains the number one of its type in many markets.

The next iteration of the franchise, Call of Duty:  Black Ops, is also outdoing MW2 in early pre-sales.  And the company has new versions of its staple Guitar Hero and Tony Hawk games, as well as DJ Hero ready to meet seasonal demand.

what to do with the stock?

ATVI shares have been severe market laggards from the lows of March 2009.  So the first observation one would make is that holding the stock so far, as I have done, has been a big error.

ATVI’s problems have been of three types:

–although Blizzard has performed extremely well, the overall video game market has been weak.

–the collapse of the music genre blindsided Activision, creating a large writedown last year

–worries about management stability have arisen, given the departure of key executives from the Call of Duty franchise and recent reports of CEO Bobby Kotick-related legal action.

On the other hand, the company owns Warcraft, Starcraft, Call of Duty, and has new potentially significant (but we don’t know what they are yet) products coming from both Blizzard and Bungie (the studio that made Halo).

The company is saying it will earn $.72 a share in 2010, meaning the stock is trading at under 15x times earnings.  And ATVI has bought 31 million shares of its stock through the end of June at an average of just under $11 each.  So–rightly or wrongly–it sees value at these levels.

So to me the stock still looks cheap.

Personally, I’m continuing to hold, but the leash is getting shorter.  The risk, of course, as it is in any case like this, is that I’m letting ego get in the way of common sense–holding on because I somehow need to be right, rather than to make money.


Barnes and Noble (BKS) is putting itself up for sale. Why?

BKS’s announcment

Earlier this week, the board of directors of BKS announced it was considering putting the book retailer up for sale. The stock, which has been a severe laggard recently, jumped by about 20% in the following day’s trading. The straightforward interpretation of this market movement is that Wall Street feels the company would be better off economically in someone else’s hands. Zin this case, however, it may equally well reflect strong confidence that there is a wealthy buyer foolish enough to make the purchase at a substantial premium. There are, of course, already two significant holders of stock, Leonard Riggio with a 20% holding and Ron Buckle with 19%.  Mr. Riggio has already expressed interest.

What’s going on?

Securities analysts are often forced to make mountainous theories out of molehills worth of information. It goes with the territory. But like any scientist would, we outline our assumptions and conclusions based on the data we have, and then look for information that could prove our resulting theories false. BKS is a case in point.

Here’s my theory:

Three or six months ago, the board of BKS may have been debating selling the company. But it didn’t do anything before now. So it seems reasonable to me that some recent development has either focused their minds or tipped them over the edge toward sale. What could that be?

I don’t think it’s just the recent weak bookselling environment, since this unfavorable development can’t have come as a complete surprise. Nor is it likely the bad blood between the two significant holders of the company’s stock, since this too has been around for a while. Instead, I think the factor involved is an unintended consequence of the move by publishing houses, in concert with AAPL, to force AMZN to raise the price it charges for e-books.

As I’ve written in another post, I think the publishers saw AMZN’s aggressive e-book pricing—it was paying the publishers around $12.50 for a hardcover bestseller and retailing it for $10, thus losing $2.50 a copy—as a threat to mom-and-pop bookstores. The publishing houses’ fear was that the low price would spur rapid adoption of e-books by consumers, shifting business away from mom and pop and destroying a valuable distribution network. That, in turn, would leave AMZN in the very powerful position of controlling a major part of the book distribution network.

For its part, AMZN could afford to use e-books as a loss leader because, although it began as an online bookseller, it has long ago established a thriving online business selling all sorts of other stuff, both for itself and as an agent for others. The contrast between it and BKS is stark. BKS, a purely bookseller, will have cash flow around $250 million this year. AMZN, books + other stuff, will have cash flow of around $1.7 billion, or 7x BKS’s.

What the publishers did was compel AMZN to charge $12.50 a copy for e-books and keep 30% of the revenue and return 70% to the publisher. This is the same deal they offered to AAPL, and is modeled on the standard arrangement with independent bookstores. Note, also, that in using the new system, the publishers were receiving less than AMN was willing to pay them for e-books. So boosting the near-term bottom line was clearly not the reason the publishers were doing this.

Raising the AMZN e-book price by 25%, they apparently reasoned, would slow e-book adoption, preserve small booksellers’ profits and give the publishers some breathing room to figure out what to do next. Things haven’t worked out that way, however.

Maybe higher prices did slow the rate of adoption, but if so the consensus wildly underestimated what that the adoption rate would prove to be.

But I think they also stopped AMZN from making a strategic blunder with e-books and redirected it onto a much more effective long-term path.

To me it’s not surprising that AMZN would be willing to lose money while it established its e-book market position. After all, it spilled red ink for years in its online original book business, propped up only by the billions it cleverly raised from internet-crazed investors in the late Nineties, before the bubble burst. And that turned out ok.

AMZN’s mistake, I think, was to focus on using the book price and not on the readers as a way of gaining market share. Given that the publishers forced AMZN to make a profit on bookselling, they eliminated that option. More than that, they gave AMZN all that “found” cash flow that it could direct into its other strategic e-book weapon–developing better and cheaper e-readers. The first in what I expect will be a series of innovations have just come out. You can now buy an e-reader with better screen resolution (wi-fi only) for $139—or at least be put on the waiting list for one—which is about half the price of the older models a couple of months ago.

BKS is a bookseller. AMZN is a technology behemoth, running mammoth server networks for itself and renting space to other “cloud computing” users. BKS might be able to compete in a battle about who can sell the most books. I think it has decided it can’t compete in a war over who has the best e-reader technology. So it’s sending up a white flag.

It’s maybe too early to tell for sure, but a good guess that the book publishers have accidentally precipitated the demise of BKS. Given the weak condition of Borders and the likely fading away of mom and pop bookstores, this action may also have given AMZN a decisive edge in the battle for book-reading customers.

Capital-intensive companies (III): how overcapacity happens

Where it comes from

many times by accident…

Overcapacity may arise—but more often is perpetuated—by a wealthy individual who decides to enter a business for non-economic reasons (read: ego). He may be unaware of the economics of the industry he is becoming a part of, or indifferent to them.

Sometimes, an entity—usually a government—will create or support a business for economic, but not profit-related reasons. Typically, this will be to provide employment for citizens. The recent bailouts of General Motors and Chrysler in the US are an example. In emerging economies, government-owned enterprises—mining in South America, for instance—have sometimes used less profitable, more labor-intensive, extraction techniques for the same reason.

Outsiders can goof.  They see the apparent profitability of  a business, but overestimate the size of the market or miss (or not care about) the negative effect their entry will have on overall industry profitability.  Also, newcomers may not grasp the difficulty of actually running an enterprise that seems relatively simple to someone on the outside. The sequential opening of gambling casinos in the northeast US market, starting with Atlantic City in New Jersey, then native American casinos in Connecticut, followed by racetrack-related gaming in New York and Pennsylvania, has resulted in shifts in which state receives gaming taxes, but trouble for all participants as gamblers gravitate to the newest or nearest venues.

In these instances, because the key business decision is the investment of initial capital, the economic damage is done long before business owners are aware of it. Trouble begins as soon as new capacity is created.

Bankruptcy doesn’t help, unless the plants are demolished and the equipment destroyed. Otherwise, a new owner will acquire the assets at a bargain price in a bankruptcy auction, and reopen shop. Ironically, because bankruptcy will eliminate burdensome debt, such an enterprise may have a significant cost advantage over previously better-run rivals.

…but most times not

In my experience, most overcapacity comes, not from outsiders or from non-economically motivated entities, but from a deliberate decision to reinvest cash flow by existing market participants.

Especially in basic industries, like paper and cement, I’ve watched with almost morbid fascination as firms that are flush with cash from outsized profits when prices are at cyclical peaks build new capacity. The company managements clearly realize that prices are at unsustainable highs. They also know that the new capacity they are creating may be enough to tip the industry into oversupply and send prices plunging. They realize that their decision will likely motivate other firms in the industry to add capacity themselves—surely creating a slump.

Yet they reinvest anyway.

Why is that?

Let’s start with the obvious, but I think, less important reasons, at least for shrewdly led companies:

–CEOs have spent their lives building. They’re not going to return money to shareholders in dividends. (Over the past thirty years, I don’t think shareholders have wanted dividends, either. That attitude is probably changing today.)

–Many corporate diversifications into new areas turn out to be financial disasters. I think this is because managements that may be great chess players have trouble when the new game turns out to be bridge or checkers.

From watching managements over thirty years, I’ve come to think there are two other strategic reasons that managements expand at cyclical peaks:

  1. One extra plant may not be enough to destroy pricing in a market. Everyone knows that the first plant is like the dam breaking and it will be followed by others. The last new plant will surely be opening in hard times. But the first—even the first few—may have a period where one can still achieve well above-average returns. This reason, by itself, might not be enough to get a management to commit to expansion, knowing that a lean period will doubtless follow the boom. But there is a second, namely,
  2. A company that does not expand risks being marginalized in the next upcycle.An example: Let’s suppose that industry demand rises by 3% per year and that all capacity is currently being used. Let’s also say that when companies expand capacity the smallest addition that makes sense is 30% of the existing plant and equipment.

    If it takes a year for the industry to determine it will expand and the new plant comes into service two years later, then supply will be 30% higher than it previously was and demand only about 10% up. This implies a couple of years of price competition as firms vie to use otherwise idle plants.

    What happens after demand catches up with supply? Prices rebound, and maybe reach new highs. Also, the average order from a customer is probably a third larger than it was at the prior peak.

    Consider the competitor who has not expanded. He has made the downturn shallower and shorter than it would have been had he expanded, too. That’s good for his financial health, but for everyone else’s, too. But now—since order size is 30%+ larger and he hasn’t expanded, he can’t satisfy all the demand from his traditional customers. They’re forced to approach his rivals to obtain the raw materials they need. They risk thereby being relegated from primary supplier to second source.

The key to this favorable argument for expansion of capital-intensive businesses is the assumption that demand in the customer’s industry will continue to expand at a reasonable clip. It wouldn’t sound so good as a rationale for expansion for paper companies faced with technological change—with the replacement of physical newspapers and magazines by e-readers, to say nothing of physical paper-borne correspondence to email.  Nor would it be a great reason for a US-based cement company to add capacity soon, given the vast amount of commercial real estate still waiting to be absorbed.

Capital intensive companies (II): pros and cons

on the plus side…

1.  The high cost of entry into a capital-intensive business can act as a barrier to competition.  For example, almost anyone can come up with the money to open a restaurant.  But if a big semi-submersible offshore drilling rig costs $100 million, the number of new parties that can give the industry a try is very limited.

2.  First mover advantage can be considerable.  Site location can be important, for example, for proximity to raw materials, customers or transportation of the final product.  A beachfront or a spectacular view can make a difference to a hotel.

Just as important, if a market is only big enough to support one entrant, an intelligent competitor will realize that his entry may create chronic overcapacity and eliminate the possibility of profits for either.  So he’ll look elsewhere.  If he can’t figure this out, his bankers or potential equity investors may withhold the funds he needs.

3.  Lead times for new capacity can be long.  This is not a question of the time it takes to raise capital.  But permitting for new construction may be arduous–a locality may not want another new chemical plant.  Actual construction may take a year or two.  Therefore, even if booming demand justifies adding new capacity, it can be several years before it arrives on the market.

4.  High operating and financial leverage means profits in good times can be enormous.  A hotel, for example, may have to run at about 50% of capacity to cover its cash operating costs, and at about 60% to break even if we include depreciation of the plant and equipment.  But, since the out-of-pocket cost of renting a room is, say, $12 (cleaning, and replacing the soap) the income from selling one more room is high.  And, when occupancy rises high enough, the hotel can hike the price of all the rooms it rents–raising profits exponentially.  There have been times in Manhattan, for example, when, in a strong economy, hotel rooms have rented for over $800 a night.

…and the minus

It’s a characteristic of capital-intensive businesses that the owners take the risk of buying the long-lived assets that will drive the profits of the firm at the outset.  So they may not have a lot of control or flexibility in what happens afterward.  They may be price takers.  They have fixed capacity and demand rises and falls with the business cycle.

From an investor’s point of view, this is perfectly acceptable.  These companies can be very rewarding investments.  You just have to keep in mind that they may be highly cyclical and you can’t fall in love with them and forget this.  There’s a time to sell as well as a time to buy.

There are two big worries for the capital-intensive company, though, other than the fickleness of stockholders:  overcapacity and technological change.

overcapacity

Overcapacity is not just the cyclical ebb and flow of demand.  Say you operate a mid-range hotel located at the intersection of two highways and catering to traveling businessmen.  You have 200 rooms, which are occupied 80% of the time during the work week, and you’ve almost completed construction of a new wing with another 75.

One day, a competitor chain starts to build a 250 room hotel right across the street.  This makes no sense.  There isn’t enough business for two hotels of any type, let alone two targeting exactly the same audience.

When the new hotel is open, occupancy for both you and the other guy will probably max out at 40%–not enough to cover out-of-pocket costs.  Even worse, a price war will inevitably break out as you both vie to capture what traffic there is.

When the competitor realizes he’s made a horrible mistake, his goal shifts from making a profit to extracting as much of his capital from the location as possible.  This is bad.

Even worse (for you and the overall market), suppose you “win” the price war and the other guy goes into bankruptcy.  The physical assets will still be there.  They’ll be sold at auction, probably at a bargain price, to a new competitor who will probably have a lower cost of ownership than you do.

That’s overcapacity.

technological change

I’ll write about the internet in another post.  It’s the mother of all technological change.

The more traditional example of the effects of technological change on an industry is the advent of the electric arc furnace in the steel mini-mill.

Up until the mini-mill, steel had been produced in blast furnace mills.  These plants can cost several billion dollars, take years to build, have mammoth capacity and must run 24 hours a day.  Location is invariably a compromise among access to raw materials and the need to transport end products to many different customers.  None of this mattered, because for a long time it was the only game in town.

Then in the 1980s, a better mousetrap in the form of the electric arc furnace came along.  A plant cost about 20% of what a blast furnace did and used cheaper inputs and labor.  It could be located closer to a customer, lowering transportation costs.  And it didn’t need to run continuously.  It very quickly took a third of the steel market in the US away from the blast furnaces.

The advent of the mini-mill caused a twenty-year slump in the traditional steel industry, one it only came out of at the beginning of the new century.

More tomorrow.

Capital-intensive companies (I): general

Throughout my career in the stock market, I’ve had an interest in capital-intensive companies.  Early on, I analyzed many of them in the natural resources industries.  I renewed my acquaintance with them when I began to look at foreign markets as a portfolio manager, where property companies–including owners of office buildings and hotels–are typically key sectors.

I’ve always been fascinated by what appears to be the sudden, apparently irrational, decision of most participants in such industries to all expand at the same time, creating overcapacity that destroys industry profits for years.  I think there’s some method to the madness, which I’ll talk about in al ter post in this series.

What prompts me to write about this now is that, as regular readers will know, I like casino stocks (I’ve never done casino gambling, however; it has always seemed too much like work).  I’ve been watching with morbid fascination the mammoth expansion of hotel/gaming capacity in Las Vegas over he past couple of years.  What finally compelled me to put fingers to keyboard is a recent Moody’s credit report stating that although most of the thousands of casinos in the US have recently restructured their (considerable) debt, they are still by and large not out of trouble.  That’s another  post, as well.

One more preliminary.  There are two banes of capital-intensive companies:  overcapacity and technological change, which can render existing capital structures either irrelevant or obsolete.  Depending on how far you want to push the concept of capital (does it include brand names and distribution networks), the latest of the latter plagues has been the internet, which allows people like me to publish their views at little cost, and anyone with the price of a web storefront, to distribute merchandise all over the world.

Here goes.

what they are

expensive, long-lived assets

In its simplest form, a capital-intensive business is one that requires a very large initial outlay of money to get it up and running.  The upfront expenditure is made on an asset that has a very long useful life.  The cost of this asset dominates the business.

Typically, this involves buying/building a lot of plant and equipment, as in the case of a blast furnace steel mill, a semiconductor foundry, an oil refinery, a cement plant or a hotel.  But it may also involve purchase of a license or a right, as in the case of a toll road or a permit to do deep-water offshore drilling for oil.

not portable

For massive plants, like a blast furnace, once they’re built it may be physically impossible to move them.  But the assets–like a mine–may equally well need to be close to mineral deposits, or to sources of power or means of transporting output to markets.  Even if they could be moved, NIMBY (not in my backyard) may be an issue.  Few people want an oil refinery or even a brewery next door.  Airplanes and ships are exceptions, but even here they require airfields and ports to be able to operate.

financial leverage

Because their assets are typically very expensive to acquire, capital-intensive companies often use debt capital to fund themselves, in addition to equity.  Tax laws may encourage this.  In most parts of the world, loans collateralized by real estate are non-recourse to the borrower, meaning that if the project fails the lenders can seize only the real estate, and are unable to make a claim on the borrower’s other assets.  As a result, real estate projects are typically very highly leveraged.

vs. labor intensive

Capital-intensive companies are often contrasted with labor-intensive ones, with the traditional model being piece-work assembly such as is done with electronic devices.  The older analog would be a garment district sweat shop or a bunch of people with hand tools digging a ditch.  In today’s world, a firm that provides security guards or temporary help are also good examples.

The assumption behind capital-intensive vs. labor intensive is that the two kinds of inputs an entrepreneur has available to him for his business are: manual labor and expensive machinery.   If this year were 1910 and not a century later, that would be okay.  But not now.

The old joke about an advertising or public relations agency is that the assets leave the building in the elevator every night.  They’re clearly labor intensive, but they employ highly specialized and skilled workers.  But what about software firms that have unusually talented workers and which have amassed large amounts of intellectual property–MSFT Windows or Office, for example.  What about GOOG or AMZN?  What do we do with pharmaceutical research firms, again with substantial intellectual property and patented drugs?  Are they labor-intensive or capital-intensive?

The fact that the distinction has begun to break down at the edges–fodder for another post–doesn’t mean it isn’t still useful for an investor in understanding many industries.

More tomorrow.