“New World Order”: Foreign Affairs

The July/August 2104 issue of Foreign Affairs contains an interesting conceptual economics article titled “New World Order.”  It’s written by three professors–Erik Brynjolfsson (MIT) , Andrew McAfee (MIT) and Michael Spence (NYU)–and outlines what the authors believe are the major long-term trends influencing global employment and economic growth.  I’m not sure I agree 100%, but I think it’s a reasonable roadmap to start with.

Here’s what the article says:

the past

Globalization has allowed companies to exploit wide wage differentials between countries by moving production from high-cost labor markets close to consumers to low labor cost areas in the developing world.  Former manufacturing workers in high-cost areas enter the service sector to seek employment, depressing wages there.

This period is now ending, as relative wage differentials have narrowed.

now

Relative labor costs are at the point where manufacturing plant location is determined by other factors.  These include:  transportation cost, turnaround time for new orders and required finished goods inventory.  This implies that manufacturing can be located closer to the end uses it serves.  However, globally higher labor costs also imply that new factories will be much more highly mechanized than before.  Robots replace humans.

As a result, wage growth will remain unusually subdued.

the future 

Although returns to capital have avoided the erosion that has befallen labor over the past generation, this situation won’t last.  Long-lived physical capital is being replaced by software (note:  the majority of investment spending done by US companies is already on software).

Software doesn’t have either the total cost or the permanence of capital invested in physical things.  Software can be moved, it can be duplicated at virtually zero extra expense.  To the extent that software replaces physical capital as a competitive differentiator, it makes the latter obsolete.  It, in turn, can be made obsolete by the innovative activity of a small number of clever coders.

Therefore, the authors conclude, returns on invested capital (especially physical capital) are already beginning to enter secular decline.

Where will future high returns be found?

…in the innovative activity of talented, well-educated entrepreneurs.

education

This brings us to a major problem the US faces.  It’s the relative slippage of the domestic education system vs. the rest of the world, and an increased emphasis on rote learning (No Child Left Behind?).

The trio dodge this politically charged issue–they do observe that there’s a direction relationship between the quality of a community’s schools and the affluence of its citizens–by asserting that online learning will come to the rescue.  A child stuck in a weak school system will, they think, be able to in a sense “home-school” himself to acquire the skills he needs to succeed in the future they envision.

my take

What I find most interesting is the presumed speed at which the authors seem to think transition will occur.

–Is it possible that we’ve reached the point where there’s no available low-cost labor left in the world?  If so, this is a dood news/bad news story for low-skill workers.  On the one hand, downward wage pressure will stop.  On the other, robotization is going to take place at warp speed, making it harder to find a job.

Relocation of factories will also have implications for transportation companies, warehousing and even the amount of raw materials tied up in company inventories.

–Does software begin to undermine hardware so quickly?  Certainly this the case with online retailing and strip malls.  But how much wider is this model applicable?

–If the key to future growth is young entrepreneurs, then the sooner we as investors reject the Baby Boom and embrace Millennials the better.  This, I think, is the safest way to benefit in the stock market if the New World Order thesis proves correct.

 

 

thinking about big integrated oils

hedge funds attacking Big Oil?

Over the weekend I read a blog post (which I can no longer find) in the Financial Times pointing out that activist investors are getting set to attack the large integrated oils.

Why?  

They persist in investing in massive long-term, risky, low-return oil exploration and development projects.  It’s what they do.  In the view of the hedge funds, this makes no sense.  The oils would be better off finding better things to do with their cash flow, returning it to shareholders if nothing else.

I doubt that this will happen   ..not that hedge funds may not try to change oil company investing plans, but I don’t think they’ll be successful.

Big Oil is important in developed countries because the companies spend a ton of money securing access to petroleum.  Nations are heavily dependent on oil to fuel industry.  The oil firms get huge tax breaks for finding and developing oil deposits because these nations are heavily dependent on oil to fuel commerce and for heating.  This is especially true in the US, which is unique among richer nations in not responding to the oil shocks of the 1970s by taxing oil to control consumption.  We do this to support our globally non-competitive, but politically powerful, auto industry (most of which went bankrupt in the Great Recession anyway).

Given the strategic importance of oil,

why are the returns to oil exploration low?

A generation ago, they weren’t.  Drilling took place mainly in the developed world, often on parcels leased to the driller by the government.    The landowner got an initial payment plus a modest percentage of any finds.  Projects that made good economic sense when oil sold for $7 a barrel are bonanzas today.  Big Oil got most of that.

In contrast, major exploratory drilling today is done in emerging economies, where the big untapped pools of oil are.  But ever since the first nationalizations of drilling projects in the Middle East in the 1970s showed how one-sidedly favorable production agreements were to the oil majors, terms have been tilted much more heavily toward the host nations.  Today’s production agreements provide little more than a specified return on capital to the oil explorer.  Price hike windfalls go to the host, not the big oil.

In the face of less favorable economics,

why continue to drill?

Three reasons:

–it’s still profitable

–it’s what the oils do best.  The last round of oil company diversifications, admittedly a long time  ago, were unmitigated disasters, and

–the home countries of the major oils need a steady supply of oil to keep industry humming and citizens warm in winter.

It’s this third reason that I don’t think activists see.   

At some point, shale oil may change the situation.  Even so, I figure it would be politically unacceptable for any big integrated to dismantle, or even substantially curtail, its exploration and development efforts.  The worry would be that in times of shot supply, oil would go solely to project developers.  In fact, Asian countries are concerned about this possibility that they’ve designated their big oils as “national champions,” whose job is to secure oils supplies for the home country.  Profits are secondary.

I don’t think Washington, or London, or Paris would allow its oil exploration firms to drop out of the race, even if short-term economic returns to the companies and their shareholders might be better if they did so.

 

 

commodities cycles

commodity rhythms

agricultural

The co-owner of one of the smaller investment companies I’ve worked for was a farmer.  He made me realize that there are no long cycles for most agricultural commodities.  If prices for a particular crop are high, farmers will plant more–usually a lot more–the following season.  That virtually guarantees that prices will either level out, or more likely fall.  The opposite happens–supply falls, and prices subsequently go up–if prices are currently low.

Considering that many crops have two or three growing seasons in a year, price adjustment comes swiftly.

metals

Metals mining, especially base metals mining, is just the opposite.  Mines tend to be gigantic projects, costing billions of dollars and designed to last 20 years or more.  Most of that money is spent up front:  for the mine itself, for all the drilling machines and other earth moving equipment, for the ore processing plants, for the roads or rails to tap into a country’s established transport infrastructure, and maybe even for new sources of electric power.

Because the optimal project size is “humongous,” mines tend to spew out very large amounts of output when they open.

Because–unless you’re very unlucky–the running costs are low relative to the initial investment, projects seldom shut down once they’re up and running.  They normally don’t even consider doing so unless the output price falls below out-of-pocket extraction costs.  And even then a mine may not shut down.  Miners always identify pockets of especially rich ore that they set aside for a rainy day.  So the first response to weak pricing it to turn to these high-grade areas in order to keep going–and spewing even more price-depressing output on the market.

In addition, some emerging countries run their mines to create employment and get foreign exchange.  Because whether they make money or not is a secondary concern, such mines almost never shut down.

The result of all this is a supply/demand dynamic somewhat like the farm one I sketched out above.  When times are good and metals prices are high, miners generally spend their cash developing new mines.  This creates periodic overcapacity when supply outstrips global industrial demand as all the new mines open at once.  But, unlike the case with soybeans or corn, excess capacity doesn’t disappear come winter.  Instead, it can stay for a decade.  What cures the oversupply is the eventual expansion of the world economy to the point where it can use all the raw materials being produced.

an example

I was a starting-out analyst when a supply-demand imbalance sent base metals prices skyrocketing in 1980.  I remember copper briefly hitting around $1.40 a pound and bringing previously loss-making capacity back onstream.  The price almost immediately fell back.  It took nine years for demand to expand to the point where it absorbed all available supply–and for the price to regain that 1980 high ground.

Another wave of new capacity pushed the price back down in the mid-1990s, where it stayed again until sharply climbing demand from China absorbed all the new output.  The price began to rise again in 2003.

For most metals, this pattern of feast and famine is common.  It’s not alone.  Chemicals and shipbuilding are the same way.  The common threads are:  commodity industry; long-lived assets with most of the capital in up front; capacity additions coming in large chunks.

Try to find a copper chart that goes back to the 1980s.  It isn’t that easy–suggesting to me that commodities traders aren’t as up on their history as they should be.

investment significance

I think that for base metals, and maybe for gold as well, we’re deep in the end-game transition from fat years to lean.  It has less to do with the state of demand in China than the state of supply among mining companies.  If I’m correct, time–and the accompanying gradual world economic expansion–is the only cure.

Alcoa (AA) opens the 1Q13 earnings report season

earnings season again

It’s quarterly earnings season again, the time when every growth stock investor gets a report card on whether he’s picked fast growers or not.

…as usual, AA is first out of the blocks, reporting after yesterday’s New York close.

…as usual, talking heads reach into their bags of clichés and dub AA as a bellwether, or setter of the overall market trend.

…as usual,  the media will interview metals analysts who will “confirm’ the bellwether status of AA.  But, hey, they make their living by having people pay them for their expert knowledge of aluminum.  What else are they supposed to say?   …that it’s a niche industry you can easily live without?

…as usual, the reality for AA is far different, as even a casual glance at a stock chart of AA shares over the past decade would reveal.

the AA report

Alcoa earned $.11 a share in the March quarter, up from $.06 in the year ago period.

–Severe production cutbacks by aluminum producers have brought the supply of aluminum into better balance with demand and improved pricing.

–China’s use of aluminum will grow by around 10% this year; Europe will be down mildly, with beverage cans showing the only plus sign; the US will be up a tiny bit.

–Aerospace will grow by 10% or so globally, non-residential construction by half that.  Everything else–motor vehicles, beverage cans, turbines and housing– is in the +2% – +3% range.

Analysts think AA will post full-year earnings of around $.50 a share this year and $.85 a share next.

All in all, a good report by a very well-managed company in a tough industry.  If the 2014 number is even close to correct, the stock may be mildly undervalued, in my view.

The report also shows that things are ok, but not great, in the industrial sector.  But, to my mind, the report illustrates, too, why metals, and aluminum in particular, are not the place to be overweight in a portfolio right now.

the bellwether thing?

Let’s hope not.

Just look at a chart of AA.  At the top of the market–and of the housing construction boom–in 2007, AA was a $48 stock.  Today, with the S&P reaching new all-time highs, AA is $8 and change.  In fact, except for a brief period in 2007-08, AA has been a serial underperformer for over a decade.

Why?

AA has a highly skilled management, but it’s in a highly business cycle-sensitive industry.  Like almost any mining-based activity, it’s also subject to extended periods of depressed prices as gigantic new mining/fabrication projects–years and years in the planning–get opened, usually just as the business cycle is turning down.

A generation ago, conventional wisdom was that world GDP grew in lockstep with the availability of base metals supplies.  In those days, AA was indeed a bellwether.  But the rise of the knowledge worker, to say nothing of the internet, shows how wrong that thinking has proved to be.

 

capital spending, robots and “reshoring” of manufacturing to advanced economies

Blogging for the New York Times, Nobel laureate Paul Krugman recently referred to a Times article on the possible return to the US of manufacturing once outsourced (or “offshored”) to Asia.  In “Rise of the Robots,” Mr. Krugman suggests that much (all?) “reshored” manufacturing will be highly capital-intensive.  Factories will be run by robots, with only a few, highly educated, highly paid human supervisors finding being employed.  Therefore, he concludes, reshoring isn’t the job creation panacea some might think.

I have several comments:

1.  This is not new news.

For over two decades, tech businesses like semiconductor manufacturing have been very highly automated.  Component assembly is increasingly so.  In  the semiconductor case, only a few process engineers watch over $3 billion installations that may generate billions in annual operating profit.  Units of output are tiny and weigh next to nothing, so transport costs aren’t that important.  As a result, tax incentives for building and the rate of tax on corporate profit are the two main determinants of where a plant will be located.

One reason there aren’t more fabs in the US is that income tax rates here are relatively high.

2.  At least some of the current reshoring is either in response to political pressure or to creating a more favorable corporate image in the media.  AAPL, an example cited by the Times, has pledged to invest $100 million to make Mac computers in the US.

Sounds good, doesn’t it?

But $100 million is less than 2% of the company’s annual capital spending budget.  So it’s just a drop in the bucket.  If we pluck a number out of the air and say the investment will generate $1 billion in annual sales, which I think would be an awful lot, that wouldn’t amount to even 1% of the $160 billion or so in sales that AAPL will ring up this year.  Plunk! (=the sound of a drop hitting the bucket)

3.  Stuff that’s very heavy, spoils easily or that faces strong protective barriers against imports, normally must be produced in the same country where it’s sold.

4.  For a brief time I owned shares of Osaka-based manufacturer Sanyo Electric in my portfolios.  I bought it despite its collection of ugly business lines because at the time it was by far the dominant global maker of cellphone batteries.  That business was growing like a weed.  It alone was, in my view, worth far more than the entire market capitalization of the company’s stock.

Because Japan was a high labor cost country, Sanyo had created a highly automated operation.  For each 20,000 units of annual battery production, it had installed machines worth $1 million, which were  watched over by six employees making $50,000 a year each (these are not the real numbers, but that’s not important  for my point).

Business was great–until Chinese competitor BYD emerged.  If the name sounds familiar, it became famous years later when Warren Buffett “discovered” it.  BYD didn’t have the highly educated workers available to it that Sanyo did.  So it couldn’t use the highly automated machinery that its Japanese rival employed.  Instead, it bought simpler, locally made machines that were manned by a larger number of less skilled workers.  To produce equivalent output to Sanyo’s, it installed $500,000 worth of its simpler machines, run by 20 people being paid $7,500 a year each (again not the real numbers–like the real Sanyo figures, those are in notes which remained the property of my employer when I left) .

…and?

The really stunning thing about this example is that:

–BYD made its batteries with both less input of capital cost and less input of labor than Sanyo.  In the textbooks that’s not supposed to happen.  You’re supposed to have to choose between capital-intensive or labor-intensive production methods.  And you’re supposed to be able to compete using either approach, depending on your local labor cost structure.  Not here, though.

A little arithmetic–

Assume that we write the cost of the machinery off in equal installments over ten years.  Then Sanyo’s costs are raw materials + electricity + water, etc. + $100,000 in depreciation + $300,000 in salary.  That’s $20 for each battery + materials…, maybe $25 for each in total.

For BYD, the figures are raw materials etc. + $50,000 +150,000.  That’s $10 + materials… for each battery.  That’s maybe $14 in total.

True, the BYD batteries were probably only 90% as good as the Sanyo ones.  But they cost only a little more than half as much to make.

Lots of medium-tech stuff is like these batteries.  Note, too, that the Chinese salary I quote is less than half the minimum wage in the US.  So the Chinese business model won’t fly here.

5.  As the NYT pointed out in a follow-up, wages in eastern China have more than doubled since I owned Sanyo Electric–meaning that, all other factors being equal, BYD’s labor cost advantage has almost completely eroded.  I presume, but don’t know, that, if so, BYD has shifted production into western China, where wages are still low.

If this business follows the pattern of other industries I’ve followed, like the textiles, at some point the battery industry will shift out of China in search of lower costs.  Machinery will be shipped to another low labor-cost country, India?  Bangladesh?, where production will be resumed.  In fact, BYD may enjoy considerable local tax breaks for doing so.

But wherever the machinery ends up, it’s almost certainly not going to end up in the US.  That would just recreate the company’s situation of too expensive low-skilled labor.  Also, its plants may not be particularly welcome in a country where the firm has no political clout.  More than that, it could be that being Chinese-owned would make it a target of adverse political action.

My take:

This is a big issue, one without a clear solution.  Contrary to Mr. Krugman’s suggestion, I don’t think we’re seeing a reprise of the 19th century, when holders of large amounts of capital had a gigantic (unfair?) edge over people born into families of modest means.  Rather, the 21st century reality is that the market price of unskilled labor in an increasingly global world is under $10,000 a year.

A country can try to protect politically powerful but non-competitive industries, as Mr. Obama has recently done with tires, but that leads to disaster–enriching a small group of political favorites at the expense of everyone else (see my posts).

If all the good manufacturing jobs are robot-driven, then not all highly educated workers will find jobs there. That’s also not a great surprise, since the manufacturing sector in the US has been shrinking for decades.

But, of course, poorly educated workers will be excluded from manufacturing employment entirely.

In the service sector, where all the job growth has been in the US, the field seems to belong to highly educated, computer-savvy entrepreneurs.  Again, the poorly educated need not apply.

I don’t think that in the US a good education is a sufficient condition of personal economic prosperity, but it is a necessary one.